Friday, May 31, 2013

UNWTO Mischief at Vic Falls and the plundered Zambezi

-->





The reason for the UN World Tourism Organisation and the Patriotic Front duo agreeing to hold the UNWTO general assembly at Victoria Falls is obvious. Mugabe wants pariah redemption; Sata, a chance to do some more praise singing, perhaps a 21 gun-salute for his friend; the UN body with its 154 mostly small member states (39 UN member countries are not members of UNTWO) obviously wish to bolster Mugabe’s image – along with the UN Human Rights Commissioner Pillay who wants the sanctions against him dropped.


The United Nations has conveniently forgotten the UNWTO global code of ethics, adopted by its own General Assembly on 21 December 2012, in which they affirmed that ecotourism is key in the fight against poverty, the protection of the environment and the promotion of sustainable development. Mugabe has promoted unsustainable development of the very worst kind.  Canada winced at the thought of dinners with him and with the UNWTO executive who had made such unprincipled overtures, withdrawing her membership; Germany – often the first to make a principled stand in these matters - is about to do the same. So, as the UNWTO meet at Victoria Falls in August to promote ecotourism, what is the current state of the environment and sustainable development in the Zambezi Basin shared by these two countries?

The Zambezi River and its tributaries are besieged by hydropower schemes, work on a new one just started at Batoka Gorge a little downstream of Vic Falls, designed without thought for climate change considerations and the inevitable reduction in river flows, power production, revenue and other adverse impacts. Then there is Katomoboro, Ngonye and Kabompo upstream, the Lower Kafue and Mupata Gorge downstream. The World Bank under its ignorant President, Jim Kim - now pushing the ‘transformational’ (sic) dam agenda, has deemed it so. Power is needed to alleviate poverty he says, despite all the evidence to the contrary that it is the dams that have created poverty and that they are part of the poor anti-development agenda. Ask the valley Tonga, the Ila, the Twa, the people of the Zambezi Delta.

The Zambezi Basin with its balm of seasonal silt and flood waters was once the Elysian Fields, a miracle of the union of man and nature, much of it now destroyed. One of the Zambezi River fundis (Beilfus) says, ‘the value of ecosystem services threatened by hydropower is simply astonishing, agriculture, fisheries, livestock, tourism and domestic water supply are all effected. Cumulatively, the economic value of water for downstream ecosystem services exceeds the value of water for strict hydropower production – even without valuation of biodiversity and cultural uses of the system’.

To this in Zimbabwe - apart from the heinous crimes committed since Mugabe lost ‘that’ referendum in 2000 – is added the smell coming from the ailing ecotourism patient. In the Hwange National Park and in the encircling conservancies – some of them taken from their rightful owners, in the Gwayi Valley, mining is about to ensue and tourists around Main Camp complain of the sound of gunfire, allegedly from hunting safari operators suddenly allowed to hunt where they should not be. In the Mana World Heritage Site the process of mining the river sands is underway, while the government allows offensive tourism developments to intrude.

Across the river in Zambia where ecotourism thrives, the proposal by Protea Hotels to build a conference centre on the river in the military/industrial style was defeated. However, in the Lower Zambezi National Park, advanced plans are afoot to mine copper and destroy 200 km2 of the middle of the park, poison the river and see the cross-country destruction of roads by massive trucks daily carrying 160 tonnes of concentrate to smelters on the Copperbelt. Although the environmental impact statement put forward by the miners was rejected by the Zambia Environmental Management Agency (ZEMA), the Minister of Lands, Natural Resources and Environmental Protection, Wylbur Simuusa, has thrown them a lifeline by allowing the miners on appeal to work with his Ministry in the manufacture of an acceptable environmental impact statement. In addition to the mining issue, the Road Development Agency, under the overall supervision of Sata, has begun construction of a tar highway through the park, one taking the narrow riverine route. There is no EIA posted on any government website and people from the valley say there has been little if any consultation on the issue. And there is no strategic view.

Upstream, between Chirundu and the north bank of Kariba Dam, we have the many horsemen of the uranium apocalypse, harbingers of Zambia’s last judgement, mounted upon chargers named, Dibwe, Mutanga, East-Dibwe, Njame, Gwabe, Siavonga, awaiting the starter flag clasped in the sweaty palms of the stock-exchange marketeer who will set off the race when the price of uranium – presently at $41, hits $65 a pound.

Brugge & Buchner of Tufts University in 2011 considered the latest research on the health effects of uranium mining. They reveal that it is the chemical toxicity of the metal that constitutes the primary environmental health hazard. They put forward ‘the strong biological plausibility of adverse effects on the brain, on reproduction, including estrogenic effects, on gene expression, and on uranium metabolism’ which will affect mine workers but also residential areas near uranium mining and processing facilities. They end on a chilling note, ‘As much damage is irreversible, and possibly cumulative, present efforts must be vigorous to limit environmental uranium contamination and exposure’.  Added to this are the effects of radiation caused by radon gas oozing forth on the wind, radioactive tailings laid on vegetation and inhaled and ingested by man and beast, an assault on poor people which will be criminal. Is the Zambian government able to protect mine workers and nearby villagers? No. Will the government be held accountable? No.

That the government has given permission for such an attack on their own people is not surprising. It is the way of the ‘Big Man’ system in Zambia, the way of the political economy where political power is in near total control of ideas, policies and the distribution of income, serving a narrow band of clients dedicated to keeping their masters at the power trough.

Lest we forget, six years ago plans for the alienation and destruction of part of the Victoria Falls World Heritage site itself - and the Mosi oa Tunya National Park, was agreed to by the Zambia Wildlife Authority on the instructions of the ‘Big Man’ Mwanawasa who wished to give his friend J.J. Sikazwe, whom he had appointed as founder chairman of the Citizens Economic Empowerment Commission, a juicy plum.  ZAWA issued a tourism concession agreement for the park –a two ha site on a five-year lease – to a  Zambian company, Tourism Investments Ltd., soon to amalgamate with Legacy Resorts & Hotels International, spawning a subsidiary, Sikazwe’s Legacy Holdings Zambia. This lease was then expanded to a 220 ha concession for 75 years by ZAWA. Renatus Mushinge, the Legacy Financial Director conveniently had his brother, Tom Mushinge, positioned as the Financial Director of ZAWA at the time. Legacy undertook to invest $200 million in a 350 villa golf estate with an eighteen-hole golf course, two hotel resorts (480 beds), a club house, marina and a 1000-seater conference centre. For this ZAWA were promised a $9 million one-off payment (75 percent of their annual income), and an annual fee of $2 million thereafter. This outrageous landgobble was defeated by some splendidly determined women in Livingstone – women to go into battle with. One of them who played a walk-on part was a Zambian lady in a magnificent green dress whom I will forever remember telling us all at the EIA hearings of what her walks with her children in the park had meant to her. Threats by UK tourism agents to boycott Legacy Hotel Group worldwide finally won the day.

Which is why I continue to petition the Zambian government against the Lower Zambezi National Park mining and now call for the UNWTO member countries and affiliates to boycott the Victoria Falls general assembly should the Minister not give an undertaking to ban mining in the national park. But Minister Wylbur Simuusa, deems the petition ‘false and unpatriotic’. In an article in the pro Patriotic Front government newspaper, The Post, on 24 May 2013, entitled, Simuusa dismisses petition against UNWTO assembly, he claims that my petition is malicious and that, ‘ Some of the allegations made in this petition are unfortunately not true’. The Minister complains that I had falsely stated that the law only gave him two weeks to make a decision on the appeal. Well, I was wrong, I admit. It was the miners who had 14 days to appeal the rejection of their EIA (The Environmental Management Act, 2011 section 29 (5)), not the Minister. But how does he explain the six months since he first received an appeal? My information is that ZEMA refused the EIA on 31 August 2012, although the miners say they were informed by ZEMA on 7 September and then appealed on 19 September.

The Minister went on to tell the Post reporter that, ‘…a more careful process is underway to determine whether this decision to preserve the eco-tourism potential of the valley will at the same time be releasing some of the wealth trapped underground in Zambia for the benefit of its extremely poor population’.

Once again we hear the mantra of poverty alleviation. There are a few people settled illegally in the park and some immediately outside, peasant farmers, not miners; and there is no evidence of Zambians benefitting in any real sustainable way from mining, quite the reverse. Ask those miners who worked for ZCCM and then were privatised and made absolute paupers, the new mine owners sitting back having been absolved of paying tax, of being responsible for past pollution and for the miners’ benefits and welfare. And matters got worse after privatisation, as I wrote in my forthcoming book, Out of Zambia,

‘The ‘Big Man’ MMD government under the hapless Rupiah Banda (cherry-picked from UNIP by Mwanawasa as his successor-protector), lost $2-3 billion dollars a year of income that should have been tax and shared earnings from mining, with a derisory royalty process and with no capacity to deal with mining’s massively damaging environmental and social impacts.  He also ignored the requirement for mining operations to undergo an EIA pre-qualification by instructing that the Chinese could start mining at Ichimpe without one’.

To Simuusa’s credit he finally admitted that there had been no environmental pre-qualification in Zambezi Resources application and issue of mining licences by the Ministry of Mines, saying, ‘that two fundamental requirements were overlooked when a large-scale mining licence was issued to the developers of the proposed mine. The issue was being addressed’. But the same thing happened with the uranium mining licences, issued illegally. I had previously drawn the attention of the Zambia CBNRM Forum to the fact that government had issued both a prospector’s and a large scale mining license to the miners without the mandatory environmental reports, and that the Mining Advisory Committee (members being the three Ministry of Mines Directors, ZEMA and representatives of the Ministries responsible for environment, land, finance, labour and community development, the office of the Attorney-General, the Zambia Development Agency, the Citizens Economic Empowerment Commission, the Geological Society of Zambia and ZAWA) were complicit in the decision and in serious breach of their responsibilities under the Mines and Minerals Development Act. The Forum then passed this information on to the appropriate parliamentary committee in March – who doubtless communicated the fact to the Minister.

In the case of ZAWA as we know them, a parastatal in charge of protected areas and wildlife, now encumbered in the ill fitting suit and straw hat of the Ministry of Tourism and Arts, and not – as they should be – in Minister Simuusa’s Ministry, they clearly were instructed to allow the issue of the mining licences by the Minister in charge at the time. Blame this on the 1970 Wildlife Act that removed the powers of the National Parks and Wildlife Service and placed it in the hands of the Minister. What does the present Minister of Arts, Sylvia Masebo have to say about this; she who threatened to close down online publications who criticise the UNWTO? But back to baSimuusa who went on to say,

‘As pressure increases for the exploitation and extraction of minerals and other resources, as a nation we need to settle this question, especially that the conflict exists not only in the Lower Zambezi National Park but in other protected areas of Zambia where there are abundant minerals and other resources. The Zambian government is at a loss to understand the boycotting of the United Nations World Tourism Organisation Conference, which will have a beneficial effect on the management of our superb wildlife and natural resources. We will urge everyone not to sign the petition because it seeks to cure mischiefs that do not exist. If you have already signed, we are not sure whether the organisation will allow you to withdraw your support as they and we as the Zambian government expect to see you in Livingstone’.

Simuusa understands not that this question was settled when the area was declared a national park and confirmed on 18 October 2008 at a gathering of Zambezi Basin chiefs, among them Senior Chief Mburuma (who gave over land for the Zambezi park), and Chiefs Chipepo, Simamba, Sinadambwe and Mupuka, when they met and issued an historic statement against mining for 17 chiefdoms of the Zambezi Basin.  Also on 5 November 2008 the DG of ZAWA, Lewis Saiwana, wrote to Andy Fleming of Zambezi Resources Ltd saying that ‘National Parks and Game Management Areas should not be subjected to mining activities’.

Quite how the UNWTO will benefit the management of Zambia’s wildlife and natural resources without abiding by its own code of ethics is not explained.



I. P. A. Manning

-->
Dr Manning is a former member of Zambia’s National Parks & Wildlife Service and – as an investor, attempted the implementation of his Landsafe development model for customary areas in the years 2003-2010. He was arrested, imprisoned and then deported in 2008 by the Hon. Rt. Rev. Lt. Gen (ret’d). Ronnie ‘Vuvuzela’ Shikapwasha, who considered him to be a danger to peace and good order in Zambia. 
  

http://www.change.org/petitions/members-of-the-un-world-tourism-organisation-boycott-the-unwto-general-assembly-in-victoria-falls-24-29-august-2013

See also:

http://www.avaaz.org/en/petition/BOYCOTT_WORLD_TOURISM_CONFERENCE_IN_ZIMBABWE/?cNjLCab



Wednesday, May 25, 2011

Zambia's conservation integrity again under threat...

The Wild Foundation in 2008 carried details of an impending copper-mining threat to the integrity of the Lower Zambezi National Park in Zambia. With the issue early in 2011 of a Large-Scale Mining License to the Australian owned Zambezi Resources and its Zambian subsidiary, Mwembeshi Resources, the threat is now very real, particularly given the recent actions of President Banda in launching the Ichimpe Mine on behalf of its Chinese owners before the Environmental Council of Zambia had approved the Environmental Impact Statement (EIS). This action is similar to the laying of a foundation stone on former President Mwanawasa's behalf  for a proposed 36-hole golf course, two hotels and 350 chalets in the tiny Mosi-oa-Tunya National Park  - again before an EIS had been approved or even submitted.

An EIS is currently being written for  the proposed Kangaluwi Copper Project (two open-pit mines, two deep mines, a tailings dam and dump, and other extensive infrastructure) on Mwembeshi Resource's behalf by the consultants, GeoQuest. They will be considerably exercised to explain away a physical invasion that would ravage in excess of 50 sq. km of the escarpment area of the park, and that would contaminate the Zambezi and downstream ecosystems. That the scheme has been allowed - after consideration by both the Director of Mine Safety and the Environmental Council of Zambia (ECZ) - to proceed beyond the initial environmental brief to a full Environmental Impact Statement poses considerable risks. Apart from what a President can do who is about to return to his farm, the Minister of Tourism & Environmental Affairs may overthrow the decision of the Environment Council should they give the scheme the green light, leaving Zambians and those who value our ecological and cultural heritage to the mercy of a judiciary and an executive with scant separation of powers.

Once the EIS has been handed in and studied by the ECZ, the public will be afforded an opportunity to judge the EIS. But NGOs in Zambia appear to be unaware of the latest developments and are generally loth to take on 'Big Man' Government.  A general election looms, and other mining operations already exceed the capacity of the Zambian Government to protect the environment and the people. Attempts will be made to restrict the battle to those whose interests are locally excited. But the Lower Zambezi NP is, with the Mana Pools NP and World Heritage Site across the river in Zimbabwe, supposed to form the future Mana-Lower Zambezi Transfrontier Conservation Area. And most of the middle Zambezi on the Zimbabwe side was last year declared as the Mid Zambezi Biosphere Reserve (MZBR). And currently there are moves afoot in UNESCO to have Lower Zambezi NP declared a World Heritage Site, and to enjoin the Chiawa customary land (part of it Game Management Area) with the MZBR.  Given rumours of large lodges in the military-industrial style being proposed for the Zimbabwe side of the river, the Zambezi - as we know it, could disappear.